Advertising Mindfulness: the Rhetoric of Meditation Apps

wn / 2020
From Essays

The software companies Calm and Headspace each produce meditation and mindfulness-based applications accessible by digital technologies. Each app relies mainly on guided meditation techniques, in which a speaker narrates instructions and provides supportive comments to users in their pursuit of establishing mindfulness and well-being. On the Headspace company homepage, the following description of guided meditation is shown:

In a guided meditation, a narrator or teacher explains the dynamics of the mind and how it’s likely to behave during meditation. (This is the approach.) The teacher may also explain meditation techniques. (This is the practice.) Finally, the teacher may explain how to take these techniques into everyday life. (This is the integration.) (Headspace, 2020)

This captures the rudimentary experience one receives from a guided meditation. The instructor invites the individual to follow their voice, breathe deeply, and think about integrating these techniques into their daily life, among other things. We can examine the language used in the guided meditation under a rhetorical lens, one that specifically focuses on the branch of rhetoric that is most interpersonal: self-persuasion. By analyzing the meditations created by Headspace and Calm, we can better understand how guided meditations work as rhetorical texts, how individuals persuade themselves in their dynamic processes of becoming, and how brand-consumer dialogues support these processes. Mindfulness-based digital software aims to change the user's attention span, inner dialogues, and relationships with morality.

I want to analyze traditional and digital advertising by health and well-being software companies to reveal rhetorical practices both during the acquisition and preservation of the user’s experience. Specifically, software companies like Calm and Headspace produce rhetoric involved in self-help discourse care methods to extend and support self-persuasion. I will also pay attention to the content within Calm and Headspace, i.e., the meditations and lessons that the companies offer. This will help scholars understand digital media communication as a continual process and enlighten faculties in which self-help discourse works. I argue that apps like these are effectively persuasive in their attempts to educate and inform users on mindfulness practice.


Digital Media as Discursive Formation

Firstly, I argue that digital media is a discursive formation. Foucault’s concept of discursive formation is a pattern of knowledge within a culture that relies on the governance of a particular set of rules (Borchers & Hundley, 2018, p. 372). Within this framework, Calm and Headspace are agents of producing rhetoric both in the acquisition of users (advertising) and the sustenance of their engagement (content). Digital media fits this framework.

Digital media can be understood as media that functions in our digital devices. Buckingham notes that in digital media scholarship, “there is little recognition here of the symbolic or persuasive aspects of digital media, of the emotional dimensions of our uses and interpretations of these media, or indeed of aspects of digital media that exceed mere information” (Buckingham, 2015, p. 266). Many rules govern digital media, and these rules add to the persuasion of the digital media experience. Even digital media production requires that developers follow and apply particular coding rules to their software to establish the software as an accessible medium.

Digital media is also governed by its interactivity. Many digital media inhabit interactive content. Users on digital media are increasingly encouraged to interact with other users and with the digital media brand (feedback). Carr & Hayes point out an interesting development that this interactivity no longer needs to be real. Instead, emerging definitions enlist that interactivity needs merely to be perceived (2015, p. 51). Perceived interactivity includes communication with non-human agents such as AI or algorithms and stimulates changing media research studies. By this notion that digital media is a discursive formation, we can think of interactivity as part of the rules’ governing set of discursive formation experiences. Users can communicate with, for, and against digital media companies today without much effort. In other words, digital media companies are subject to immediate criticism of their work if it steps out of the lines of the formation. For example, if a digital media company was deceptive, they could be reported and dismantled quickly.

Headspace and Calm work discursively in the sense that 1) the apps are governed by rules of digital media and 2) through advertising and content, they produce rhetoric that discursively creates knowledge. Here we realize that Headspace and Calm satisfy the requirements for being rhetorical agents within the digital media discursive formation. The rhetoric the companies produce fits into an always growing modern-age discourse: self-help.


The Discourse of Self-Help and History of Mental Illness

In the modern world, there has been a need and fulfillment of the discourse of self-help. Communication scholars define self-help as “an individualized voluntary enterprise. It is an undertaking to alter, reform or transform the self, or some ‘intrinsic’ aspect of it, which is contingent upon a person’s search for some external form of authoritative assistance” (Erjavec & Volcic, 2009, p.124). The further development of self-help discourse through digital media tells us that people desire self-help and transformation and can access it individually instead of traditional “real-life” care methods. The self-help market produces texts that users can engage and, appropriately, help themselves, rather than visit a professional coach or therapist. Software companies like Calm and Headspace represent agents within this discourse. When we think of the long history of mental illness, it becomes interesting to see the embodiment of mental health and well-being practices into a digital personalized and mainly individual software.

The idea of the mentally ill has changed drastically over the ages. Foucault writes that throughout history, the “mad” were assisted by their families, then the church, and finally, the state asylums and prisons (Foucault, 1965). Foucault notes that madmen were often exiled from their town or sent on boats to other places during the middle ages, but always were afforded the liberty to graze alone in the countryside (Foucault, 1965, p.8). Moving closer to modernity, the mentally ill became increasingly made subjects of experimentation and confinement. If we think of society's enjoyment of scientific acceleration, the media’s framing of poverty, and the institution of health care, we can realize that the mentally ill suffered confinement generally to the public’s approval. However, in the 21st century, neoliberal movements have helped reintegrate the mentally ill back into society. Nonetheless, Foucault supports that a stigma still exists within society, although it may appear to be gone in some sense. This becomes apparent alongside the rise of the industry and discourse of what we call self-help.

Research shows that beyond mental health ailment, surrounding factors make it very difficult and undesirable to become attached to the label of “mentally ill.” In other words, detached from the illnesses are branded notions and labels that affect a person’s perception. People are motivated to avoid this branding at high costs. Nicolas Hogan writes, “in professional settings, individuals suffering from major depressive disorder may be viewed as unmotivated or unproductive. More extreme examples include the homeless population, a substantial portion of which suffers from severe psychological illness” (Hogan, 2016, p. 10). So brought forward is a discourse in which an individual might be motivated to turn away from the institutions of health care and solve their problems independently, perhaps in secret, if they do desire so at all.

Over history, we can see how there has become a market for self-help and individual resilience. James Carey, in his book Communication as Culture, points out the North American “obsessive individualism” (1989, p. 19). He writes that industrial value leads us to “disdain for the significance of human activity that is not practical and work-oriented; and from our isolation of science from culture: science provides culture-free truth whereas culture provides ethnocentric error” (Carey, 1989, p. 20). In other words, the modern individual is determined to succeed and achieve high-class status, many times at the expense of his well-being. This idea parallels Marx's conception of false consciousness. Having looked at ways in which the discourse of self-help found its mode and rise, I will now look into changing landscapes of digital media and identity before analyzing the software companies Calm and Headspace.







Digital Media and Identity

Burke’s theory of identification, put simply, implies division (Herrick, 2018, p. 240). We can look at division in many ways. Division represents disconnection or non-identity. Identification cannot exist without division because, as Burke writes, they rely upon each other’s strife (Burke, 1969, p. 25). This everlasting conflict is responsible for our reality, and this is why Burke understood rhetoric as a proponent of reality. Most fundamentally, rhetoric represents that which language changes. Language initiates adaptation and growth, and in doing so, divides one entity away from a past version of itself. Burke explained identification: “A is not identical with his colleague, B. But insofar as their interests are joined, A is identified with B. Or he may identify himself with B even when their interests are not joined, if he assumes that they are, or is persuaded to believe so” (Burke, 1969, p. 20). Can we not look at these A and B as one current and ideal design of the same self? If I want to improve, I must be persuaded to believe that I can point my compass towards some identifiable causeways in which my improvement could occur. Burke’s paradox, the notion of Man being “rotten with perfection,” captures this drive towards the ideals. Perfection is both our moral duty and disease. This scope may be placed within the discourse of digital media and self-help rhetoric.

The adoption of digital technologies on mass levels has implications. Aaron Hess writes that “no longer can our identities be separated from our digital devices” (2014, p. 2). Because of this integration, we should look at Burke’s theory of identification within digital media. This means that our desire to be perfect works within digital media.

Firstly, our digital devices are becoming increasingly interactive and networked (Carr & Hayes, 2015, p. 54). Scholars have called for integrating digital devices into communication models because digital devices are closer to our being and other agents within our situated networks. In other words, digital media devices are becoming part of the messages themselves (Hess, 2014, p. 2).

Let us briefly look at the nature of media on digital devices. Media technology allows rapid visual and verbal messages to come into a user's view at any time. Media, specifically digital advertisements, are increasingly tailored to the individual. Artificial intelligence, algorithms, and other technical methods deploy highly targeted experiences of digital advertising to users. Henrik Saetra writes that “given the amount of information we have about how human beings act, we now have increasingly sophisticated theories about how individuals function. They can be used to target human vulnerabilities in ever more effective ways” (Saetra, 2019, p.1). This allows us to think that the user increasingly creates digital media. The more a user engages with digital media, the more specific it may be to them. In many ways, our experience with digital media is not a relationship or process of transmission. Instead, it is a reflection of our own identity. We can understand apps like Headspace and Calm as part of our digital media experience, and so we can identify their rhetoric as surrogates of ourselves.

Applications like Headspace and Calm persuade individuals twice: initially and continuously. Initially, the advertising aims to persuade an individual to download the app. The advertisement aims to acquire users. Then, it is up to the app’s content to persuade individuals to continue using the app. The rhetoric in meditation apps aims to both acquire and preserve individuals' educational mindfulness journey. Furthermore, these two kinds of rhetoric aim to produce the third and final rhetoric in this discourse: self-self persuasion. The goal is to have users excel in their practice. In other words, meditation apps aim to initiate a change in the user’s dialogue that includes self-persuasion.


Rhetoric in Headspace and Calm Advertising

The first encounter a user has with either Calm or Headspace is probably advertising, not word of mouth. Advertising serves as one of the most frequent forms of repetitive rhetoric we face daily in society. We consume media; we pay for it by viewing advertisements. Advertisers try to persuade us to buy a product, and we persuade ourselves in a decision. This is a relatively simple exchange. Roland Barthes states that there is something emotional that contributes to the other meanings in advertising, and it cannot be adequately expressed with language (Borchers & Hundley, 2018, p.130). Advertisers and audiences undergo some very subtle, almost invisible communication, nonetheless interesting to explore. In the era of digital media, relations between advertisers and consumers have never been more interpersonal. Lee and Cho acknowledge the changing world of digital advertising and show that it is more about “exposing the right message to the right people at the right time in the most cost-effective manner through data-based real-time bidding” (Lee & Cho, 2020, p.336). As opposed to traditional methods, digital advertising allows streamlined consumer interaction. In other words, effective digital advertising creates a dialogue between brand and consumer. A discursive process in which an individual makes use of the brand’s product. Calm and Headspace advertising aims to produce this cooperation between brand and consumer.

Calm’s advertising utilizes persuasion uniquely and excitingly. The ads exhibit the minimalist approach. Often the ad is merely 15 or 30 seconds of rain falling with a brief message about mindfulness. Other ads feature familiar celebrity voices reading soothing words. These apps in the grand scheme of modern advertising stand out in their ability to not overwhelm or expose viewers to many things at once. Rather, meditation app advertising serves to sample what will come with a download and utilization of what the app offers. In some sense, this advertising is “anti-advertising,” suggesting something vague rather than persuading anything tangible with force.

Calm’s minimalist advertising stands out against other ads we see on digital media today. In his work Toward a grammar and rhetoric of visual opposition, David Goodwin writes how advertising can be effective using metafunctions. Representational metafunctions in visual communication relate objects with each other, and orientational metafunctions deal with relating visual objects to the viewer (Goodwin, 1999, p. 97). In Calm’s rain advertisement, the representational metafunction is working in the rain hitting the water. There is minimal interaction between visual objects here. In terms of the orientation, the rain is a familiar sight to the viewer. The viewer has seen this before in some way or another. The point is that the rain represents the mindfulness experience. Calm’s ad representing these images visually encourages the viewer to see and hear the relaxing rain and identify with its nature. First, seeing the ripples fall on the water (thoughts), and second, by recalling past experiences with similar images (unified consciousness). Calm’s advertising represents what meditation is rather than what meditation does (Goodwin, 1999, p. 101).

As a direct competitor to Calm, Headspace uses different approaches in their advertising. Firstly, Headspace provides more verbal, concrete messages. For example in 2020 Headspace announced in a short video ad that Headspace services were now free for health-care workers and people who lost their job during the COVID-19 pandemic. The ad sends visual and verbal cues that show ranges of human emotion. Cartoon emoticon faces are represented to be upset and then at peace. The weather in their world goes from rainy to sunny. The Headspace ad offers a solution for the worries of life; it states, “Let’s be kind to our minds.” Headspace’s advertising involves the persuasion of appealing to emotion. The spot addresses the problem (global pandemic, anxiety, worry) and provides efficacy, which comes from downloading their product. As opposed to Calm’s passivity, Headspace offers activity. Users will “get out” of this slump. This is supported by active movement in the cartoon characters.

Furthermore, Headspace equips of ethos in this advertisement. The charitable notion of giving away the software for free to unemployed people and healthcare works establishes Headspace as a socially responsible company. This appeal might persuade an individual to identify with Headspace, as it is desirable to be associated with charitable, kind, and helpful entities.

Placement plays a significant role in advertising. When and where a potential user meets an ad is crucial to the success of the ad. Headspace and Calm both meet their users in deliberately compelling ways. Calm famously sponsored the CNN Presidential Election Night broadcast. In the top right corner of one of the most emotionally intense television broadcast events in history, there is the phrase “Brought to you by Calm.” This placement of course garnered wide attention. Users are persuaded to find out more about “Calm” when they read this, and as this was a significant event in television broadcasting, this placement had the potential to gain many downloads and create massive brand traffic. Some even pointed out the irony in this meditation app sponsorship as the U.S Presidential Election can create anxiety in households.

Advertising by meditation and well-being application companies are invitations to become rhetors. The content the apps offer help in becoming persuasive in dialogues with the self. The brands suggest that by meditating, we can identify better with our minds. Burke writes of persuasion. It is only useful when it speaks to the “voice within” (Burke, 1969, p. 39). Calm and Headspace speak to that inner desire to improve, transform, and improve, and this can all be done with a simple, personal, digital software. In the next section, I will discuss how the content in Calm and Headspace works as a rhetorical text.

Rhetoric in Mindfulness Meditation

Historically, language and communicative tools have vastly changed our consciousness. Burke’s rhetoric, in many ways, yields that language can change your brain. Further, Burke saw rhetoric as an act of inducing cooperation (Burke, 1969, p. 43). This does not exclude persuasion in the traditional sense, which happens from one person to another. Rather, Burke aims to add to the model and emphasize the role the audience has in accepting the message. In other words, we persuade ourselves. Burke states that “a man can be his own audience, insofar as he, even in his secret thoughts, cultivates certain ideas or images for the effect he hopes they may have upon him” (Burke, 1969, p. 38). If Burke’s rhetoric is a dramatic network of desires to transform, guided meditation can fulfill this role for people.

A simple but necessary fact of social cooperation is that it must consist of individuals who experience continuous consciousness. We cannot easily consubstantiate with fractured or fragmented bits. Inherent in social cohesion by cooperation is the same thing for the self. We must first make sure we have cohesive, coherent minds. Our inner voices must be in cooperation with each other. Meditation presents a unique opportunity of improving this situation. One of the most critical components of the guided meditations’ rhetoric within these applications is their ability to pose the user as a learner and student. The instructors reassure the users that it is perfectly normal to feel weird during the first few sessions. The necessity for routine and practice is emphasized. This helps motivate the user in their early difficulties with the new practice of meditation.


Conclusion

This paper has shown how digital media works as a discursive formation by displaying rules and rhetoric involved in its creation and performance with users today. To reach a deeper understanding of rhetoric and digital media, I turned towards an emerging discourse in a modern society known as self-help. Specifically, mindfulness-based applications like Calm and Headspace provide simple, beginner-friendly, guided meditations. I argue this rhetoric works discursively because it creates knowledge and assists users with personal development instigating the world of the new and transformed Self.



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